THE OHIO VALLEY-GREAT LAKES ETHNOHISTORY
ARCHIVES: THE MIAMI COLLECTION
It is noted that the following work from the Miami Archives should be read and
considered within the historical context in which it was composed and printed.
The opinions expressed and the language used do not reflect the opinions or
standards of the Glenn A. Black Laboratory of Archaeology, but are, rather,
indicative of thought in that historical moment during which the document was
published.
John Mercer to
Chalton Palmer
(July 27, 1762)
Mercer, John in: Mulkearn, "Case
of the
Ohio Company, 1762, Enclosure 1,"
George Mercer Papers, University
of Pittsburgh Press, 1954,
pp. 49-139.
And This Summer 1752 the French not only attacked the Twitwees pursuant to their threats (mentioned in Mr Gists Journal) but exercised such Cruelties in their town as are scarcely credible and at the same time took four Indian traders belonging to Pensylvania then trading there and sent them prisoners to Canada from whence they were sent to old France and imprisoned at Rochelle but being released by the Sollicitation of the English Ambassador who cloathed and sent them to England they returned from thence to Philadelphia in Capt Budden May 1753,344 having been stripped naked and used very hardly by the French tho' they had seised their Goods to the value of above 1500 when they made them prisoners.
The Ohio company were no sooner informed of the French proceedings345 and the Indians consent that they might erect a fort and begin their Settlement than they dispatched Mr Gist to the Northward to give notice to the persons he had there contracted with in the Companies behalf that they might remove as soon as they would to settle pursuant to their Agreement. . .
Williamsburg Oct. 6. We have credible Advice360 that the six nations in alliance with the Twitwees a people much more powerful than themselves have declared War against the French and French Indians being exasperated thereto by the most horrid and shocking Cruelties imaginable exercised by the French on one of the Twitwee towns.
Several persons therefore as well as the Company judging this the most favourable opportunity that could offer to secure a settlement upon the Ohio, while the Indians were so incensed and before the French had gained any possession there applied on the same sixth day of November 1752 to the Governor and Council to take up divers Tracts of land upon that river upon the Condition of seating several hundred families thereon within three years after their Entries were allowed but those Applications as well as the Companies petition were entirely disregarded. However the Company (resolved to do everything in their power) in the same month of Nov. 1752 employed one Trent362 hereinafter mentioned as a Factor to carry on their trade. . .
. . .Extract of a Letter372 from Capt William Trent. I take this opportunity of acquainting you of the French and Indians killing and taking our people prisoners.They have killed Finleys380 three men near the little Pick town,381 and we expect that he himself will be killed. Teaff was robbed of two or three hundred pounds, but his men got off, fifty five French Indians have robbed us, on this side the river, below Shawnesse town, of three or four hundred pounds, and took prisoners David Hendrick, William Powell, Jacob Evans and his brother, and a servant belonging to us, one McGintie and James Lowrey belonging to the Lowries, the last made his escape after he had been a prisoner several days. Mr Croghan with an hundred horse load of skins is coming thro' the woods, on this side the river, with a few Indians, but am afraid that they will be killed or taken, by three hundred Ottawawas that were expected would surprize the town,385 as they had information of their coming, and doubt they will follow them when they find them gone, the rest of the white men are coming up the river in a body with what Indians are below, but as there is a large body of French and Indians expected every day down the river, I doubt they will never get up, poor Fortescue perished on the road, coming from the lower town. There is not one Indian or white man anywhere below the Shawnesse or Logstown, but what is coming up. This was accompanied with the following paragraph, May 24. Four of the Indian traders who were taken prisoners in the Twigtwee town last summer by the French carried to Canada and from thence sent to old French, are returned with Capt Budden having been released out of prison at Rochelle by the Sollicitation of the British Ambassador who was so good as to cloath them and send them to England the French having stripped them naked and used them very hardly.
Sir
I rec'd your Epistle and observe that our brethren the Indians cannot be punctual as to time of appointment I hope when they understand our governor cannot meet them here now on the sudden Notice, they will not be very angry and refuse to see me who am next in Rank, upon Colo Burwell [the] late Presidt's refusing to Act ever since the Governors arrival. I am empowered under the Great Seal and fully instructed to receive and act with the Indians and have Hope I shall give satisfaction. The Governor has advised me by the return of Mr Gist, that the Chicasaws, Cherokees, Catawbas, and Creeks on his acquainting them by express Messenger, that the French had come in a Warlike manner to dispossess the Ohio Indians and settle themselves, answered him445 that they would heartily join the six nations to drive the French back to Canada having also cause to strike them. The Cherokees propose sending a thousand men, You'l acquaint our brethren that the Governor is always studious of promoting their [welfare]. I shall be glad if you and friend Mr Montour will endeavour to expedite your March hither for beside Mr Croghan you have other friends that impatiently long to see you all, among them is your assured Welwisher & hble Servant.
|
W Fairfax. |
P. S. ((to the Indians)) You must think it a mark of our good regard for you and Eghuisserra, ((Mr. Montour)) that we spare at this critical time Annosenough ((Capt. Trent)) to be our Envoy, but hoping he may assist you in qualifying any uneasiness that might happen among his kindred the Wyendots, he has been chosen to salute you, and we desire youl receive and entertain him accordingly
|
W Fx. |
(The Indians complaining, notwithstanding the Supply they received, that they still were in want of Arms & Ammunition Capt Trent acquainted Colo Fx of it & thereupon soon after received the addi- (page 81) tional Supply448 mentioned in the following Letter directed to him by Mr Walthoe Clerk of the Council.)
|
Williamsburg Septemr 26, 1753 |
Sir
The Governor being informed by Colonel Fairfax that the Indians on the Ohio are still in want of powder and Lead, has been pleased to order them a fresh supply as blow which are lodged with Mr Cock at Winchester waiting your Directions for conveying them to the Ohio, and you are hereby requested to give proper Orders that the same may be safely and speedily transported to Logstown.
You will receive ten Barrels of powder six Cases of Shot and [four] hundred Flints there are neither pistols, nor Cutlasses in the Magazine, or some would have been sent. I am Sir your humble Servant
(To Capt Wm Trent.)
|
(The Assembly of Virginia &c See D fol. 18.) |
The 17th Mr Trent arrived at the Forks of
Monongahela (from the Mouth of redstone Creek, where he has built a strong
store (house) and met Mr Gist, and several others, In two or three days they
expected down all the people, and as soon as they came were to lay the
foundation of the Fort, expecting to make out for that purpose about 70 or 80
Men. The Indians were to join them467 and make them strong
they requested him (Major Washington) to march out to them with all possible
Expedition. They acquainted him that Monsieur La Force468 (ou La
Farce) had made a speech to some of our Indians, and told them that neither
they nor the English there, would see the Sun above twenty days longer, 13 of
the days being then to come. By what Mr Croghan could learn from an Indian in
the French Interest, they might expect 400 French down in that time. A
Messenger sent from the French Fort had Letters for the Commanders of the other
Forts to march immediately and join them, in order to cut off our Indians and
Whites, and some French Indians were likewise expected to join them When La
Force had made his speech to the Indians, they sent a string of Wampum to Mr
Croghan, to desire him to [hurry] the English to come for that they expected
soon to be attacked, and pressed hard to come and join them for they [needed]
Necessaries and Assistance and then would strike. They further write that 60
French and Indians were gone against the lower Shawneese Town, to cut off
the Shawneese, 200 Ottaways and Chippawas, was come to Muskingum and demanded
the white people there, and shewed them the French Hatchet. The Wyendotts
thought not above 30 Men refused to let them kill them in their Town, but they
expected every day to hear they had cut off the whites and likewise the
Wyendots.
_________________________
344 Information published as advice from Captain Budden of the "Myrtilla."- Pennsylvania Gazette, May 24, 1753.
345 John Mercer, writing in retrospect, may have confused the French hostilities against the in 1751 and 1752. This paragraph gives the back ground of action taken by the Committee of the Company on September 17. The French attack on Pickawillany (page 564) (see note 105) was not reported by Thomas Burney until the first part of November, 1752 (Dinwiddie to the Board of Trade, October 6 and December 10, printed in Trent's Journal, 1752, op. cit., pp. 69-81). William Trent arrived in Williamsburg the week of October 27, one week before Burney, en route to Virginia, was at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, on August 29 (Robert Callendar to Hamilton, August 30, 1752, reprinted in Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, V, 599, 600). Therefore, it is possible that action taken by the Company on September 17 was prompted by the Twightwee affair of 1752. Nevertheless, the "French proceedings" which gave rise to this increased activity on the part of the Company may have been French attacks on the Twightwee in 1751 in which 30 Twightwee were killed than in 1752, was sent by the Shawnee to Pennsylvania and not to Virginia. Governor Hamilton, who did not receive this information until mid-April, 1752, evaded a direct answer to the Shawnee's appeal for assistance in punishing the French for their attack upon their allies, the Twightwee. Hamilton referred them to the Virginians, who were about to hold a conference with all the Ohio Indians at Logstown (Hamilton to the Shawnee, April 24, 1752, Op. cit.). Since Governor Dinwiddie, on October 6, 1752, was unaware of the 1752 French attack (Dinwiddie to the Board of Trade, op. cit.), it is not unjust to think that fiery John Mercer, writing in 1760 or 1761, may have confused dates, especially when the incidents were similar.
360 Thomas Burney and William Trent, who brought the official word of the Twightwee massacre to Governor Dinwiddie, had not arrived in Williamsburg by October 6, 1752 (Dinwiddie to Board of Trade, Op. cit.). However, this information is similar to that given in a letter dated "Twightwee's Town, June 21, 1752" in which the Twightwees informed the Virginians that they had taken "the Hatchet to strike the French, for spilling our Blood" (P. R. O., Co. 5:1327/561-64). Since Thomas Burney who carried the two letters from the Twightwees arrived in Carlisle by August 30, it is probable that unofficial information had reached Virginia before October 6.- Robert Callendar to Hamilton, August 30, 1752. Op. cit. See also notes 105 and 345.
362 When the Company engaged William Trent, a Pennsylvanian, as their factor on the Ohio, they obtained the services of one of the ablest men on the frontier. Prior to his service as captain of Pennsylvania Militia in the abortive Canadian campaign of 1746, he was in partnership with George Croghan in the Indian trade. Richard Peters, writing of Trent, informed Thomas Penn that "They could have made a fortune but ambition seized him so violently that he broke up that Partnership in hopes to be a man of Figure in the Conquest & Settlement of Canada" (letter, November 24, 1748, in Penn Official Correspondence, IV, 167). Although this partnership must have been (page 570) formed in 1744 or 1745, his name is not mentioned in extant documents relative to Croghan's trading activities on the Ohio and in the Lake Erie region during the winter of 1744-45. Although not mentioned by Weiser, it is known that Trent was with him on his journey to Logstown in 1748. Shortly after his return from the frontier Trent went to England to plead payment for his military services in 1746. Thomas Penn's comments on Weiser's journal of 1748 contain the remark that "Weiser's account of the Land is very agreeable but Capt Trent who was with him knows nothing of the matter and does not remember and quantity remarkably good." It is not recorded whether or not Trent was successful,, but so pleased was Penn with the young Pennsylvanian, that he bought him trade goods valued at 500 so that he could begin business anew.- Letter, February 20, 1749, in Penn Letter Books, II, 253-56.
When Trent returned to America he resumed his association with George Croghan. Undoubtedly, Croghan was responsible for the commissioners at Logstown engaging him to deliver Virginia's present to the Twightwees in 1752. After his return to Virginia from that mission the Ohio Company employed. Trent's name is not found in the minutes of the meeting of the Company; yet John Mercer mentions him frequently in the Case. From his correspondence with Governor Dinwiddie in 1753 one learns that he went to Wills Creek shortly after his Ohio Company appointment. During 1753 he was employed by Governor Dinwiddie, first to spy out the French activities on the Ohio, then to conduct a conference with the Indians at Logstown in August. Only by his persuasion were the Ohio Indians induced to go to Winchester to confer with the Virginians.
As for the Ohio Company business, he set in motion its first broadscale expansion, the first of January, 1754. On January 67, 17564, George Washington, returning form his mission to the French on the Allegheny, met Trent and his entourage, one day out from Wills Creek on the road to Redstone. Trent, accompanied by settlers "going out to take up Ohio Company land," had as his first objective the building of an Ohio Company storehouse on the Monongahela at the mouth of Redstone Creek. There he supervised building of a "large shed, forty feet long by twenty wide, made of timbers laid upon each other and roofed with bark:" (J. C. B.'s Travels, op. cit., p. 60) After one month's service, for the Ohio Company exclusively, he was ordered again into service for Virginia. Thomas Cresay brought to him at Redstone a captain's commission, directing him to enlist 100 frontiersmen as a company of Virginia militia and proceed to the forks of the Ohio, there to build a fort. Governor Dinwiddie had sent only (page 571) a captain's commission and orders to Trent- no money. Enlistment money in Virginia at that time was set at 10. The entire project was financed by the Ohio Company. When the debt remained unpaid for many years Trent sued Governor Dinwiddie personally for payment. According to John Mercer's statement, some 665 was awarded Trent and he was credited with the entire sum of the Ohio Company's books. (John Mercer to [James Tilghman], with George Mason's statement on William Trent's account, March 1, 1767. Cadwalader Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.) Previously, the Colony had voted partial payment of Trent's account which included money due him for "carrying out Virginia's present" and his pay as captain of militia.
In less than three months' time, February to mid-April, Trent and his men had rendered a great service to the Colony. He had traveled from Redstone, enlisting men along the way, had delivered Virginia's present to the Ohio Indians, and had planned some sort of stockade at the forks of the Ohio. Fear of starvation for his troops caused him to return to Wills Creek for supplies. At the time he was severely criticized for his absence from his command when the French came down the Allegheny en masse and forced his ensign's surrender.
Governor Dinwiddie's criticism of his administration of Ohio Company business at the New Store in 1754 is evidence that he resumed his duties as factor for the Company at Wills Creek. On September 6 the governor informed Horatio Sharpe that he had ordered Colonel James Innes to take possession of the Ohio Company's storehouse, only to reverse his opinion on September 18. In his letter of this date he informed Innes that the New Store was an "improper place"; therefore, he should build a magazine. He also accused Trent of taking "the advantage of having a high rent w'ch I dare say he has no Orders for." According to Dinwiddie, even the price of flour "at the New Store" was exorbitant; therefore, he advised Innes to purchase it from John Carlyle, who in turn would obtain that commodity from George Croghan. Trent was also accused of being "vastly impudent in regard to his Dem'd for the Timber"; therefore, Innes was instructed to have the cooper "take W't is wanted anywhere, with't asking Ques's."- Letters in Dinwiddie Papers, I, 303-06, 320-33, 459-61, respectively.
Apropos of the criticism of Trent at the time, it is interesting to note that Thomas Walpole in his remarks upon George Washington's Memorial of Virginia Militia stated that "Major William Trent, one of our Associates [Walpole Company] is "the Gentleman who had the honor to command the firstraised troops" mustered as a force against French aggression in 1754.
Loss of the Ohio region to the French ruined many a trader financially, and Trent was no exception. Suffering from a military disgrace, evidently an unpopular factor for the Ohio Company, and, along with George Croghan, possible the greatest loser in the Indian trade, Trent's fortune had certainly reached its nadir in 1755. By this time he had moved his family from Maryland, where he had lived since his marriage about 1753, to eastern Pennsylvania. The war years were barren years for the Company, and Trent's active service must have ended; yet he may never have resigned his position with the Company. On September 25, 1767, he, as "factor for the Ohio Company" accepted from George Croghan 111 10s. "in full of his [Croghan's] obligation to Francis Wafer dated the twentieth day of February, 1750 [1751] given at the same time to Christopher Gist by said Wager for the use of the Ohio Company."- MS in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
As for Trent, the man, he resumed his military, diplomatic (Indian) and trading career in Pennsylvania. He assisted in negotiating Indian treaties for both Pennsylvania and the Crown and was George Croghan's assistance in Indian affairs at Fort Pitt; he distinguished himself as a military man, especially at Fort Pitt in 1763; and as an individual trader, as well as a partner in several Pennsylvania trading firms, he continued to be interested in business. The Indian uprising in 1763 engulfed the stock of many traders in the Ohio Country, and as in 1754, Trent lost heavily; but the circumstances were different. On this occasion the Indians alone were the antagonists, and having subdued them, the whites sought reparations for their losses in the form of land grants. Two groups of "Suffering Traders'" were formed: one, the principal losers in 1754; the other, the losers in 1763. Trent's friend, George Croghan and Moses Franks, who represented the first group, were sent to England in 1764 to seek reparations by orders directly from the Crown. This plan failed completely. As a representative of both groups Trent attended the Conference of Fort Stanwix (Rome, New York) in 1768, and before the conference proper opened obtained from the Indians reparations for the "Suffering Traders," (1763)- a deed for land comprising, approximately, that part of present West Virginia north of the Little Kanawha and east of the Laurel Mountains. At the conference proper the Indians deeded some 2,500,000 acres of western land to the Crown, reserving for Trent the tract assigned to him and his associates. Trent was sent to England to obtain royal affirmation of this deed, also to plead for reparations for the "Suffering Traders of 1754." It is to be remembered he was a chief "sufferer" in both groups. While in England he (page 573) personally became a member of the Walpole Company which had pledged itself to honor all bona fide grants within their great grant, providing they were made prior to January 4, 1770. The "Suffering Traders of 1763," or Indian Company, qualified for that recognition.
Political machinations blocked royal sanction of the Walpole Grant until the Revolution, which ruined all chances for their obtaining a title to the tract under consideration. Nevertheless, Trent's tenacity was never-ending. He pursued the land grant problem in England, in the colonies, and finally in the United States Supreme Court in the William Grayson and others vs. the Commonwealth of Virginia Case, the plaintiffs losing.
Trent's life was flecked with financial failures; yet his achievements were many. During the critical year 1753, he was the white's chief representative among the Ohio Indians. Probably no one ever accomplished more in so little time as did Trent, for where all others failed he succeeded in keeping aglow in the Indian camp a tiny spark of fidelity to the English. Had this not occurred, French-Indian solidarity along the Ohio undoubtedly would have taken place.- Samuel Wharton, Plain Facts . . . op. cit.; Sewell Slick, William Trent and the West (Harrisburg, Archives Publishing Co., 1947); Ohio Company Papers, 1753-1817, Op. cit; George Lewis, The Indiana Company, 1763-1798 (Glendale, California, The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1941); Case of the Suffering Traders, n.d.; Considerations of the Agreement of the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, with the Honourable Thomas Walpole and the [his] Associates, for Lands Upon the Ohio, in North America [London, Jan. 7th, 1774, A. B.] Considerations on the Agreements. . . is attributed to Samuel Wharton; however, it is signed "A. B." and may have been written by Anselm Yates Bayley.
372 Evidently William Trent's letter to James Hamilton, April 10, 1753 (In P. R. O., CO. 5:1065/59; calendared in New York (State) Secretary of State, Calendar of Historical Manuscripts, in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, N. Y., edited by E. B. O'Callaghan [Albany; Weed, Parsons and Company, 1866], part II, 603) A different version purported to be an exact copy is printed in Hanna, op. cit., II, 230-31 and in Gist (Darlington edition), op. cit., pp. 192-93.
The letter does not contain the names of the traders who were captured.
380 John Finley, Pennsylvania trader.
381 The Kentucky Shawnee Town, Eskippakitheki, was known to the early settlers as "Indian Old Corn Fields." The site of present "Indian Fields" about 11 miles east of Winchester, Clark County, Kentucky.- Hanna, op. cit., II, 230.
385 Lower Shawnee Town.
445 Christopher Gist, not William Trent. Insertion "Capt Trent" is in John Mercer's handwriting. This error is also corrected in the printed Case. See facs., p. 12.
448 William Trent himself transported this gift to Logstown.- "William Trent's account with Virginia, April 8, 1754." MS in Virginia State Library, Colonial Paper, 1740-1759.
467 Shortly after William Trent arrived on the Ohio, George Croghan informed Governor Hamilton that "The Indians all Intend as soon as yr honour and the Governor of Verginia begins to Build, to gether all thire Warrers to ye Pleaces where ye Build, and Nott suffer ye French to Come Down ye River" (Croghan to Hamilton, February 3, 1754, op. cit.). William Trent had received his commission, and the information that Washington's militia was ordered to proceed to the Ohio to assist in building and protecting the fort (see pp. 82-83, note 460). Half King was present at the English fort when the (page 594) French came down the Allegheny. It was he who advised Ensign Ward to build a "Stockade Fort" in order to repel the impending French assault. When the French commander, Contrecoeur, demanded immediate capitulation of the English, the Half King advised the Ensign to inform the French that "he was no Officer of Rank or invested with powers to their Demands and requested them to Wait the arrival of the principal Commander." This request was refused by the French who took possession of the fort within the hour. Ward reported "That the Half King stormed greatly at the French at the Time they were oblieged to march out of the Fort and told them it was he Order'd that Fort and laid the first Log of it himeself."- Deposition of Ensign War, before the Governor [of Virginia] in Council, May 7, 1754, op. cit.
468 Monsieur La Force, a valued scout and interpreter for the French, was commissary of the French stores at Venango when Washington was there in December, 1753.- Washington's Journal of . . . 1753, op. cit., pp. 19-20.
On the fifteenth Five Canoes of French came down to Log's Town in Company with the Half King and some more of the Six Nations, in Number an Ensign, a Serjeant, and Fifteen Soldiers." In this manner George Croghan reported the arrival at Logstown of the advance unit of the French-Canadian army sent to secure the Ohio Valley. Croghan, Andrew Montour, and John Patten were at Logstown when the French arrived. La Force, upon finding the Indians well disposed toward the English, remained at Logstown for only one day, after which "the Officer ordered his Men on board their Canoes and set off to a small Town of the Six Nations about two Miles below the Log's Town, where he intends to stay until the Rest of their Army come down" (George Croghan's Journal, 1754, op. cit.). A short time after the English left Logstown, probably around the first of March, La Force undertook to coerce the Indians by threatening them. He warned that in less than three weeks the French army would come down the river; then they and their English friends were doomed to die.- A speech made by La Force, ibid., VI, 22.
La Force's next mission was to scout Washington's little army near the Great Meadows. On May 24 an Indian trader reported to Washington that La Force and several other Frenchmen were lurking about Gist's plantation. Three days later Christopher Gist corroborated the trader's statement. Early the next morning, May 28, the English and Indians encountered the Frenchmen led by Jumonville. In the skirmish 30 of the 31 Frenchmen were either killed or taken prisoner.
La Force was one of the men captured and sent to be confined in Williamsburg.- Washington, Journal of . . . 1754. . . (Toner edition), pp. 70-90.
Shortly after Washington's capitulation at Fort Necessity, Governor Dinwiddie, in accordance with his interpretation of the Articles of Capitulation, dispatched the French prisoners to Wills Creek, form whence they were to be escorted to Fort Duquesne to be exchanged for the two English hostages given at the capitulation. Before the French Prisoners had begun their trip to the French fort, hostage Robert Stobo's letter of July 28 was received in Virginia. Although this letter was intended for Colonel James Innes, commandant at Fort Cumberland, it is evident that it was dispatched to Governor Dinwiddie. Stobo wrote, "La Force is greatly wanted here, no scouting now, he certainly must have been an extraordinary Man amongst them, he is so much regretted and wished for." The governor answered this letter by ordering Colonel Innes to return La Force to Williamsburg. In the order he charged Colonel Innes to be careful that he did not escape and to "Look on him as a cunning, designing Man and therefore require double Care."
When the French officers complained of treatment unbecoming men of their rank, Governor Dinwiddie removed the prisoners to Winchester and, as winter arrived, on to Alexandria, Virginia, where they were relieved of close confinement and given private lodgments. Although Governor Dinwiddie does not mention La Force specifically, he was undoubtedly carried along with the group. After General Braddock arrived at Alexandria the prisoners were removed from the scene of military preparations for the campaign. The officers and private soldiers were sent to England, but La Force, at the suggestion of the Virginia Executive Council, remained in prison. By this time the Virginians were convinced that he was indeed a wicked man, had robbed many settlers, was suspected of scalping some of the English, had frequently tried to escape from prison, and had tried to persuade a fellow prisoner, a deserter, to escape with him. After his collusion with the deserter, La Force was placed in close confinement in Williamsburg jail.
La Force escaped the latter part of August, 1755, only to be apprehended two days later at West Point, a few miles up the James River from Williamsburg. When he was returned to jail he was placed in double irons and chained to the floor of his dungeon. With this statement the official records of Virginia concerning La Force come to an abrupt end.- Washington to Dinwiddie, May 29, 1754; Dinwiddie to Cresap, June 1; same to James Innes, August 22, and August 30; same (page 596) to Lord Fairfax, September 10; same to Innes, October 5l; same to William Shirley, September 20, 1755; same to Sir Thomas Robinson, October 1; same to Horatio Sharpe, March 13, 1756; same to Washington, August 231, 1756; printed in Dinwiddie Papers, I, 176-82, 184-86, 293, 296-98, 312-313, 346-48; II, 208-10, 227-28, 367-68, 484-85, respectively: John Burk, The History of Virginia (Petersburg, Va., the author, 1804), III, 192-93.
Only once again is La Force mentioned in correspondence of the day. In accordance with an article of the capitulation of Fort St. George, August 9, 1757, Montcalm wrote to Lord Loudoun as follows: "I demand particularly the man named La Force, A Canadian, who ought to have been sent back according to the capitulation of Fort Necessity. I request you to have them conducted to Halifax to be exchanged for yours whom I shall send to Louisbourg."- Montcalm to Lord Loudoun, August 14, 1757, printed in N. Y. C. D., X, 619-20.
Return
to TOC, p. 15
Continue
to next part of Miami Collection
[return to Miami
Collection Menu]
[return to Glenn A. Black
Laboratory of Archaeology List of Publications]
[return to Glenn A. Black
Laboratory of Archaeology Home]
Last updated: 20
January 2001
URL: http://www.gbl.indiana.edu/home.html
Comments: webmaster@www.gbl.indiana.edu
Copyright 1996, Glenn Black Laboratory of Archaeology and The Trustees of Indiana University